Greenpeace
702 H Street, NW,
Washington,
DC
20001
Phone 800-326-0959 |
Connections
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Adbusters
Adbusters and Greenpeace have jointly campaigned against corporate interests over global warming. Adbusters’ advertising agency, PowerShift, also produces ads for Greenpeace. “Autosaurus,” an attack on the automobile industry, was aired on the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation television network, which then pulled it, citing sponsor concerns. Adbusters successfully sued for breach of contract.
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American Corn Growers Association
Greenpeace and ACGA are both institutional sponsors of CropChoice.com, a web site devoted to anti-food-technology propaganda. Both groups are also members of the “Bolinas Group,” a consortium of environmental and anti-technology groups. Bolinas groups work together to cripple food technology by lobbying governments for “warning” labels designed to scare consumers. Greenpeace and ACGA were also both among the signers of a March 2000 FDA petition brought by the organic marketer-funded Center for Food Safety, demanding mandatory product “warning” labels on genetically improved foods.
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Center for Food Safety
In March 2000, the Center for Food Safety filed a petition with the U.S. Food and Drug Administration, seeking immediate removal of all genetically improved foods from American grocery shelves. Greenpeace was an institutional co-signer of this legal maneuver. The two groups also collaborated on a 1999 lawsuit against the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, filed in response to the EPA’s approval of genetically improved crops.
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Center for Science in the Public Interest
The Center for Science in the Public Interest (CSPI) and Greenpeace USA are both clients of leftist Washington PR firm Fenton Communications. David Fenton’s flacks were responsible for the Alar-on-apples fundraising scam in 1989, SeaWeb’s 1988 swordfish boycott, and the StarLink biotech corn fiasco. Greenpeace belongs to a coalition of food activist groups organized by CSPI called Foodspeak, which is dedicated to overturning and dodging food disparagement laws. Foodspeak wants blanket immunity for anything its member organizations might say against food companies -- even when their comments are false and intended to damage the interests of a food company.
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Chefs Collaborative
In 1998 the Chefs Collaborative publicly “collaborated” with the environmental scaremongers at Greenpeace in a campaign to deluge the U.S. Food and Drug Administration with consumer requests for mandatory biotech food labels. This “astroturf” campaign distributed pre-written postcards along with Greenpeace’s fund-raising letters -- tens of thousands of which were delivered to the FDA -- giving the government a false impression of the movement’s “grassroots” following.
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Earth First!
Greenpeace activists and Earth First!ers regularly share targets, campfires, and jail cells. Earth First! co-founder Mike Roselle worked as Greenpeace’s first U.S. National Action Coordinator, and later served on the Greenpeace USA board of directors. In 1995 a German court found that “the collaboration of Greenpeace with the terrorist organization Earth First!” cannot be denied.
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Environmental Working Group
The Environmental Working Group and Greenpeace have teamed up on several regional campaigns. These included a 1994 effort to force the EPA to write especially tough regulations just for Monsanto’s agrichemicals, and a 1998 crusade to ban motorized watercraft on California lakes. The groups again collaborated in 2004 on a public letter urging consumers to boycott the Ford Motor Company.
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Foundation on Economic Trends
The Foundation on Economic Trends (FOET) has joined forces with Greenpeace on several bouts of biotech bashing. In 1999, FOET president Jeremy Rifkin organized a coalition of groups, including Greenpeace, to bring Monsanto to court for make-believe violations of anti-trust law. When Greenpeace was trying to cement French government policy against biotech crops, it arranged a meeting between Rifkin and aides to the French president and prime minister. Greenpeace was also among the organizations sponsoring Rifkin's "Treaty Initiative to Share the Genetic Commons" -- a measure intended to bludgeon future innovations in genetic technology.
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Humane Society of the United States
The Humane Society of the United States (HSUS), along with Greenpeace and dozens of other radical organizations who want to control the dinner plate, supported the luddite Turning Point newspapers ads. Greenpeace and HSUS collectively berate shareholders of companies that sell whale products in Japan. The two groups are both members of the fundraising-oriented Species Survival Network. And they were both part of the Center for Science in the Public Interest’s Foodspeak coalition, whose members hoped to overturn and dodge food disparagement laws.
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Institute for Social Ecology
One recent string of property-damage crimes occurred when NorthEast RAGE (a project of the Institute for Social Ecology) organized a “peoples labeling brigade,” which went from grocery store to grocery store in New England placing permanent “biohazard” labels on foods that the activists thought might contain biotech ingredients. Greenpeace was among the institutional sponsors of this effort.
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Natural Resources Defense Council
The Natural Resources Defense Council and Greenpeace USA are both clients of leftist Washington PR boutique Fenton Communications. David Fenton’s flacks have perfected the art of the food scare, including NRDC’s Alar-on-apples fundraising scam in 1989, SeaWeb’s ridiculous 1988 swordfish boycott, and the more recent StarLink corn fiasco.
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Ruckus Society
Rolling Stone magazine once called the Ruckus Society a “band of battle-hardened Greenpeace vets.” Indeed, Ruckus co-founder Howard “Twilly” Cannon spent over ten years piloting boats (including Greenpeace’s flagship “Rainbow Warrior”) as a full-time activist with the group’s French and Russian anti-nuclear campaigns. Mike Roselle, the brains behind Ruckus, also set up and led Greenpeace’s first “direct action team.” Ruckus director Sebia Hawkins currently sits on the boards of both Greenpeace USA and Greenpeace Pacific. Sam Whiting, the “climbing instructor” at the very first Ruckus Society “action camp,” ran Greenpeace’s Washington, DC office at the time. Some news reports claim that as many as half of Ruckus’s camp staffers are present or former Greenpeace officers. Aside from this apparent personnel overlap, Greenpeace and Ruckus have organized protests together and co-signed numerous activist petitions.
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Sea Shepherd Conservation Society
Sea Shepherd founding president Paul Watson was also a co-founder of Greenpeace. The group expelled him in 1977 because it disapproved of his violent tactics. In 2004, a campaign to boycott Ford automobiles was endorsed by both Greenpeace and Sea Shepherd.
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SeaWeb
Greenpeace turns up in the work histories of at least four full-time SeaWeb staffers. SeaWeb vice president Tom Johnson was formerly Greenpeace’s ocean ecology campaign director; Bruce McKay, SeaWeb’s senior researcher, founded Greenpeace Montreal; Boyce Thorne-Miller, SeaWeb’s senior scientist, still consults with Greenpeace on ocean issues; and Kieran Mulvaney, who writes and edits SeaWeb’s Ocean Update newsletter, was formerly a Greenpeace anti-whaling campaigner. Greenpeace USA and SeaWeb are both clients of leftist Washington PR boutique Fenton Communications. David Fenton’s flacks have perfected the art of the food scare, including NRDC’s Alar-on-apples fundraising scam in 1989, SeaWeb’s ridiculous 1988 swordfish boycott, and the more recent StarLink corn fiasco.
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Sierra Club
Greepeace co-founder Paul Watson sits on the Sierra Club's board of directors. The two groups are also frequent partners in litigation. In 2003 the Siera Club and Greenpeace sued to obstruct timber harvesting in Southeast Alaska. In 1999 they teamed with organic food activists to sue the Environmental Protection Agency over its approval of genetically enhanced food crops. And when Greenpeace activists illegally boarded a ship transporting timber in 2002, the Sierra Club publicly came to their defense.
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Tides Foundation & Tides Center
A variety of big-money donors have made sizable grants to Greenpeace through the Tides Foundation -- over $150,000 in all. As is usually the case with Tides, no public mention has been made about the names of these donors, and the current tax law protects this sort of secrecy. In 2004, however, the two organizations came together publicly to endorse a nationwide boycott of Ford automobiles.
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Turning Point Project
Greenpeace is among the three or four richest environmental groups to be included in Turning Point’s “coalition,” lending its name to Turning Point’s “species extinction” series.
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Union of Concerned Scientists
The Union of Concerned Scientists commonly collaborates with the most notorious radical environmental groups, including Greenpeace. The two groups co-sign appeals to government agencies on everything from nuclear safety to biotech crops. They are both members of the Save our Environment Coalition, whose main claim to fame is organizing a Dave Matthews Band concert to end “global warming” and promoting a new Ben & Jerry’s flavor. Both groups also belong to the Safe Energy Communication Council (SECC), which opposes nuclear power.
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Profile:
Greenpeace
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